Climate Change – What we already know


National Advisory Council on Women and Girls: Quarterly Spotlight

WOMEN AND GIRLS AND CLIMATE CHANGE

PDF version can be accessed here 

Key Findings

·       Women are more likely than men to consider climate change as a problem, a difference that is particularly pronounced among younger people and those living in the least deprived areas.

·       Women are more concerned about climate change and less likely to believe that it’s not worth themselves doing things to help the environment if others are not doing the same, a difference that is most pronounced among older adults and those living in the most deprived areas.

·       Transport has been the largest net source of emissions in Scotland since 2016. Women in Scotland travel less frequently than men, undertake shorter journeys, are less likely to drive to work and are less likely to hold a driving license. There is no gender difference in the overall frequency of taking flights, although women are less likely to take flights for work or business purposes.

·       Travel by public transport – by bus or train – or active travel – by walking or cycling – offer lower emission alternatives to travelling by car or flight. Women tend to use buses more often than men but there is no gender difference in the frequency of rail travel. Women are slightly less likely than men to make short journeys by walking and cycling.

·       Rising use of online shopping and delivery services could contribute to climate change. Whilst there is no difference between women and men in their use of online ordering services, there remain gender differences in the types of goods purchased. There is some evidence that women received more frequent food deliveries from online companies during the COVID-19 pandemic.

·       Waste is a contributor to climate change due to the emissions as landfill waste decomposes. Data on waste is mainly collected about households rather than individuals, so gender differences are not known. However, there is some evidence of increasing awareness and uptake of more sustainable products used by women, such as reusable period products.

·       Women have been linked to increased energy usage due to taking on an increased share of household tasks, such as laundry and cooking, but more recent evidence points to little difference between women and men in their energy footprint.

·       Diet has been identified as a contributor to climate change. Some evidence suggests that women are consuming smaller amounts of red and processed meat than men and are more likely to say that they would be willing to cut back on the amount of red meat they consume. Women are also more likely than men to consume five portions of fruit and vegetables a day.

·       Girls are well represented on subjects related to climate change in Scottish schools. In the 2019-20 academic year, girls accounted for over half of entries to SQA Highers in Environmental Science and Geography. The representation of girls on these courses has been increasing over time, and the attainment of girls taking these subjects outperforms boys.

·       Women are more likely than men to take further and higher education courses relevant to increasing their understanding of climate change.

·       Women are well represented in jobs in the environment and conservation industry in Scotland, with women accounting for half of all employees in 2020/21. The numbers of women employed the sector have been increasing over time

·       Women are underrepresented in the energy and water industry, with women accounting for just over a quarter of employees in 2020/21. Although the numbers of women employed in the energy and water industry have been gradually increasing, the representation of women has largely unchanged over time. Women are also less likely than men to be employed in full-time roles, impacting on pay and progression.

·       The gender pay gap among employees in the ‘energy, gas, steam and air conditioning supply’ industry across the UK was substantially higher than the gender pay gap average across all sectors.

·       Globally, women and girls are at an increased risk to the effects of climate change, including disproportionately high health impacts, displacement and economic effects arising from extreme weather events. There is currently no available evidence showing gendered impacts of climate change in Scotland.

WOMEN AND GIRLS AND CLIMATE CHANGE

Contents

  1. Introduction. 3
  2. Background. 3
  3. Attitudes towards climate change. 6

3.1       Perceptions of climate change as a problem.. 6

3.2       Attitudes towards taking action to take climate change. 12

3.2.1       The value of individual actions to help the environment 13

3.2.2       The contribution of behaviour and everyday lifestyle to climate change. 16

3.2.3       Perception about where climate change will have an impact 17

3.2.4       Understanding about actions that people can take to tackle climate change. 17

  1. Behavioural drivers of climate change. 18

4.1       Travel 19

4.1.1       Frequency of travel 20

4.1.2       Distance travelled. 20

4.1.3       Use of and access to cars and vans. 20

4.1.4       Air travel 21

4.1.5       Use of and access to public transport 22

4.1.6       Engagement in active travel 23

4.1.7       Use of online shopping and food delivery services. 25

4.2       Household waste and recycling. 26

4.2.1       Fast fashion. 27

4.2.2       Reusable period products. 28

4.3       Household energy usage. 30

4.4       Diet 32

4.5       Planned parenthood. 33

  1. Education. 33

5.1       Highers (schools) 33

5.2       Further education. 35

5.3       Higher education. 36

  1. Industry. 37

6.1       Environment and conservation industry. 37

6.2       Energy and water industry. 39

6.2.1       Gender pay gap. 40

  1. Global impacts of climate change. 40
  2. Conclusions. 41
  3. References. 42

1. Introduction

This paper offers an overview of current evidence about women and girls and climate change.

 

It provides a summary overview, and is intended to be accessible for people from all communities across Scotland regardless of whether or not they have existing knowledge about this area. As it is an overview, it cannot examine every issue in depth. For more information about the topics discussed, please follow the references in the endnotes.

2. Background

Human activities are causing unprecedented change to our climate system. We are experiencing widespread and rapid warming of the planet’s atmosphere, ocean, and land, with each of the last four decades successively warmer than any decade that preceded it since 1850.[1]  Overall, human activities are estimated to have caused approximately 1°C of global warming above pre-industrial levels (Figure 1), and this is likely to reach 1.5°C between 2030 and 2052 if warming continues at the current rate.[2]  We are already seeing the effects of climate change across the globe, including heatwaves, heavy precipitation, floods, droughts, and tropical cyclones. These changes are having direct negative impacts on human wellbeing, as well as on wildlife, water availability and crop yields.[3]

 

Figure 1: Changes in global surface temperature over the past 170 years (black line) relative to 1850–1900 and annually averaged, compared to climate model simulations of the temperature response to both human and natural drivers (brown), and to only natural drivers (solar and volcanic activity, green). Solid coloured lines show the multi-model average, and coloured shades show the very likely range of simulations.

(Source: IPCC (2021): Summary for Policymakers. In: Climate Change 2021: The Physical Science Basis)

 

Global warming is being driven by the emission of greenhouse gases (GHGs), principally carbon dioxide (CO2). GHGs in the atmosphere trap heat from the sun near the surface of the Earth, helping to maintain the planet at a habitable temperature. As the concentration of GHGs increases, this warming effect becomes stronger and the temperature of the Earth rises. The concentration of GHGs in the atmosphere has increased significantly since the Industrial Revolution in the 18th century. This is linked to human activity, primarily the combustion of fossil fuels (such as coal, oil and gas) for energy, as well as agriculture and land use change, industrial processes and waste (Figure 2).

 

Figure 2: Global greenhouse gas emissions by sector for the year 2016.

(Source: Our World in Data (2020). https://ourworldindata.org/ghg-emissions-by-sector)

At the 21st United Nations Climate Conference (COP21) in Paris in 2015, global leaders made a legally binding international commitment to limit the increase in the global average temperature to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels and to pursue efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels.  To achieve this, the agreement suggests global GHG emissions must peak as soon as possible, and that we should seek to achieve a balance between anthropogenic GHG emissions and GHG removals in the second half of this century.[4]  This commitment has led many countries, states and regions around the world to declare a target date for when they expect to achieve ‘net zero emissions’, i.e. when the amount of GHG emissions added to the atmosphere are negated by an equivalent amount of GHGs being removed from the atmosphere (for example via afforestation or carbon capture and storage technology). Scotland has set a target to reach net zero by 2045.

 

This paper explores the available evidence on climate change in Scotland, Great Britain and the UK through a gendered and, where the available data allows, intersectional lens. Where possible, trends over time are presented to highlight the changing landscape and the differential impacts this has had on women and girls over time. The accompanying policy paper sets out more detail on the action the Scottish Government is taking on climate change and the implications for women and girls.

3.             Attitudes towards climate change

3.1          Perceptions of climate change as a problem

Since 2013, the Scottish Household Survey (SHS) has collected annual data on perceptions of climate change in a representative sample of Scottish adults. Respondents are asked to select which, if any, of the following statements comes closest to their own view:

  • Climate change is an immediate and urgent problem
  • Climate change is more of a problem for the future
  • Climate change is not really a problem
  • I’m still not convinced that climate change is happening

 

The latest data showed that just under 7 in 10 (68%) adults in Scotland viewed climate change as an immediate and urgent problem in 2019.[5] Concern about climate change has been growing over time; this is an increase from 65% in 2018 and 46% in 2013. Between 2013 and 2018, there was little difference in the proportions of women and men taking this view.[6] However, the most recent data shows that a higher proportion of women (70%) than men (66%) agreed that climate change was an immediate and urgent problem in 2019, indicating a potential emerging gender difference (see Figure 3). Ongoing data collection is needed to determine whether this is a robust and sustained difference.

 

Figure 3: Views of climate change by gender in 2019 (Scottish Household Survey)

 

Perceptions of climate change are associated with age, with younger people being more likely to agree that climate change is an immediate and urgent problem than older people.[7] The most recent data shows an interaction between gender and age. As shown in Figure 4, the gender difference is largest among adults aged 16 to 34 years, driven by a higher proportion of younger women viewing climate change as an immediate and urgent problem compared to younger men.[8] The gender difference becomes smaller with age, especially among older adults aged 60 and above.

 

Figure 4: Perceptions of climate change by gender and age in 2019 (Source: Scottish Household Survey)

Perceptions of climate change are also associated with socio-economic disadvantage, with those living in more deprived areas being less likely to view climate change as an immediate and urgent problem.[9] To investigate whether gender differences in perceptions of climate change are moderated by socio-economic factors, a breakdown by the Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation (SIMD) and gender was produced based on the available SHS data. The SIMD is a tool for identifying places in Scotland where people are experiencing disadvantage across different aspects of their lives, including income, employment, education, health, access to services, crime and housing.[10]

As shown in Figure 5, women living in the least deprived areas (20% least deprived) were more likely to view climate change as an immediate and urgent problem than women living in the most deprived areas (20% most deprived).[11] Men also show this pattern so there is no clear area deprivation by gender interaction.

 

Figure 5: Proportion of adults agreeing that climate change is an immediate and urgent problem by gender and SIMD in 2019 (Source: Scottish Household Survey)

 

Whilst concern about climate change as an immediate and urgent problem has been increasing over time, there has been a corresponding decrease in the proportion of people who believe that “climate change is more of a problem for the future”. The latest data shows that 14% of adults agreed that climate change is more of a problem for the future, a reduction from a peak of 26% in 2014.[12] As shown in Figure 6, women have been slightly more likely to agree to this statement than men in previous years, but the most recent data shows no gender difference (see also Figure 3).[13]

 

Figure 6: The proportion of adults viewing climate change as more of a problem for the future by gender between 2013 and 2019 (Source: Scottish Household Survey)

Only 3% of adults in Scotland agreed that “climate change is not really a problem” in 2019, a view that has been reducing over time from a peak of 7% in 2013.[14] There has been no sustained difference between the proportions of women and men taking this view over time. The latest data shows that 2% of women and 4% of men took this view in 2019 (Figure 3). In 2019, there was no difference in agreement with this statement among women living in the most deprived areas (1%) and the least deprived areas (1%). However, agreement increased to 8% among men in the most deprived areas and 3% among men in the least deprived areas. There was no interaction between gender and age in agreement with this statement.

 

The proportion of adults reporting that they are “still not convinced that climate change is happening” has also been reducing over time. In 2019, only 6% of all adults took this view. Since 2013, women have been slightly less likely to report that they are “still not convinced that climate change is happening” compared to men. However, as shown in Figure 7, this gender difference has been decreasing slightly over time, with 11% of women and 15% of men taking this view in 2013 compared to 5% of women and 7% of men in 2019.[15]

 

In 2019, women living in the most deprived areas were more likely to agree that they are “still not convinced climate change is happening” (6%) than women living in the least deprived areas (2%). The proportions agreeing with this statement were similar among men living in the most deprived areas (8%) and men living in the least deprived areas (7%).

 

There was some evidence of a gender by age interaction: women aged 35 to 59 years and 60 plus were slightly less likely to agree with this statement (4% and 6%, respectively) than men of the same ages (7% and 9%, respectively).

 

Figure 7: The proportion of adults agreeing that they are “still not convinced that climate change is happening” by gender between 2013 and 2019 (Source: SHS)

In addition to the SHS, other sources have examined gender differences in views on climate change among people in Britain and the UK.

NatCen carried out a nationally representative survey of 2,429 members of the British public between 21 November and 11 December 2019 and another 2,413 members of the British public between 2 and 26 July 2020 to explore attitudes towards climate change.[16] This showed that women were less likely to believe that the media exaggerates the risk of climate change (21%) than men (30%). Women were also less likely to think that the UK Government is doing enough to address climate change (14% compared to 22% of men), and were more likely to prefer that the government prioritises a recovery from the COVID-19 pandemic that has positive effects on the environment (75% compared to 68% of men).

 

The Public Attitudes Tracker, carried out by the UK Government Department for Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy (BEIS) in March 2021, included questions on climate change. This showed that, among the representative sample of 4,029 UK adults, 80% said that they were either very concerned or fairly concerned about climate change. This increased to 84% among women and reduced to 76% among than men.

 

The 2020 Girls Attitudes Survey, commissioned by Girlguiding, asked over 2,000 girls and women aged 7 to 21 years across the UK how they felt about specific and emerging pressures facing them today, including climate change.[17] 527 girls and young women from Scotland took part. This showed that:

  • Almost 9 in 10 (87%) girls and young women felt that their lives are affected by climate change and global warming.
  • Over half (51%) said that they feel upset about the destruction of animals’ homes and habitats.
  • Over a third (36%) felt angry that adults aren’t doing enough to tackle the issue, rising to 42% among those aged 17 to 21 years.
  • More than 2 in 5 (43%) girls aged 7 to 10 years and a third (35%) aged 11 to 21 years said that climate change makes them feel worried or anxious.
  • Over a third (38%) felt hopeful that people are talking more about climate change.
  • A third (33%) said that their behaviour had changed, with 18% saying that they’d taken action to help the environment such as climate strikes.
  • Over a third (36%) of those aged 11-21 years and over a quarter (27%) of girls aged 7-10 years said that climate change makes them want to change their behaviour, such as walking or cycling rather than going by car.
  • 1 in 5 (20%) said that they are interested in studying or working on climate change and global warming, such as environmental science.

3.2          Attitudes towards taking action to take climate change  

In 2015, 2017 and 2018, the SHS explored people’s views on attitudes towards the drivers and impacts of climate change by asking the extent to which adults in Scotland agreed or disagreed with the following statements:

  • “It’s not worth me doing things to help the environment if others don’t do the same”
  • “I don’t believe my behaviour and everyday lifestyle contribute to climate change”
  • “Climate change will only have an impact on other countries, there is no need for me to worry”
  • “I understand what actions people like myself should take to help climate change”

 

3.2.1        The value of individual actions to help the environment

The latest data shows that, in 2018, just under a fifth (16%) of people agreed with the statement “It’s not worth me doing things to help the environment if others don’t do the same”. This suggests that the majority of adults in Scotland believe that their own individual actions could help the environment, irrespective of others’ behaviour. As shown in Figure 8, women are consistently slightly less likely to take agree with this statement than men, although the latest data shows a smaller gender difference than in previous years.

 

Figure 8: The proportion of adults agreeing that “It’s not worth me doing things to help the environment if others don’t do the same” by gender in 2015, 2017 and 2018 (Source: Scottish Household Survey)

 

Older people are more likely to agree that “It’s not worth me doing things to help the environment if others don’t do the same” than younger people. There is also an interaction between gender and age. As shown in Figure 9, a similar proportion of women and men under the age of 60 years agreed with this statement in 2018. However, a gender difference emerges in adults aged 60 years and above, in which 17% of women agreed compared to 22% of men. In other words, older men are less likely to believe that it is worth doing things themselves to help the environment if others are not doing the same.

 

Figure 9: The proportion of adults who agreed that “It’s not worth me doing things to help the environment if others don’t do the same” by gender and age in 2018 (Source: Scottish Household Survey)

People living in more deprived areas are more likely to agree that “It’s not worth me doing things to help the environment if others don’t do the same” than people living in the least deprived areas. As shown in Figure 10, among adults living in the most deprived areas, women were more likely to agree with this statement than men. There was no gender difference among adults living in the least deprived areas.

 

Figure 10: The proportion of adults who agreed that “It’s not worth me doing things to help the environment if others don’t do the same” by gender and SIMD in 2018 (Source: Scottish Household Survey)

3.2.2        The contribution of behaviour and everyday lifestyle to climate change

Just under a quarter of adults (21%) agreed with the statement “I don’t believe my behaviour and everyday lifestyle contribute to climate change” in 2018, a reduction from 23% in 2017 and 27% in 2015.[18] This suggests that the majority of people agree that there is a link between their own behaviour and climate change. The latest data shows that women (15%) were slightly less likely to agree with this statement than men (17%), although in previous years there has been no gender difference so more data is needed to determine whether this reflects a robust and sustained trend.

 

Older people are more likely to agree with this statement than younger people. There is also an interaction between gender and age. As shown in Figure 11, the difference between women and men is most pronounced among adults aged 35 to 59 years, in which 19% of women agreed with this statement compared to 25% of men. There is a slightly smaller gender difference among younger adults aged 16 to 34 years and older adults aged 60 years and above.

 

Figure 11: The proportion of adults who agreed that “I don’t believe my behaviour and everyday lifestyle contribute to climate change” by gender and age in 2018 (Source: Scottish Household Survey)

Women living in more deprived areas were slightly more likely to agree that “It’s not worth me doing things to help the environment if others don’t do the same” (21%) than women living in the least deprived areas (18%). A difference of a similar magnitude is also observed for men (19% and 15%, respectively).

 

3.2.3       Perception about where climate change will have an impact

In 2018, only 7% of people agreed with the statement “Climate change will only have an impact on other countries, there is no need to worry”, indicating that the vast majority accept that climate change will have an impact on Scotland as well as other countries. Agreement with this statement has remained broadly constant over time.[19] There is no meaningful difference between women and men in their agreement with this statement; in 2018, 7% of women agreed compared to 6% of men.

 

Likewise, there is no clear difference across people of difference ages, and no interaction between gender and age. Women living in the most deprived areas are slightly more likely to agree with this statement (9%) than women living in the least deprived areas (6%) but there is no area deprivation by gender interaction as there is a similar difference between men living in the most and least deprived areas (8% and 2%, respectively).

 

3.2.4       Understanding about actions that people can take to tackle climate change

Almost three-quarters of adults (74%) agreed with the statement “I understand what actions people like myself should take to help tackle climate change” in 2018.[20] This figure has remained constant since the first data was collected in 2015. This suggests that the majority of people know which actions they should take, but it does not tell us whether they are taking any action in practice.

 

The most recent data shows no meaningful gender difference; 73% of women and 74% of men agreed with this statement in 2018. Older people were less likely to agree that they knew what action to take (65% of women and 68% of men aged 60 and above agreed), with the highest agreement among women aged 35 to 59 years (81% compared to 76% among men of the same age).

 

Both women and men living in more deprived areas were less likely to agree that they knew what action to take than those living in the least deprived areas (65% among women and 63% among men), but there was no clear interaction with gender as this difference was also shown among those living in the least deprived areas (85% among women and 81% among men).

 

4.             Behavioural drivers of climate change

Recent decades have seen growing awareness of the contribution of human behaviour towards climate change. In everyday life, people can engage in a wide range of behaviours that have varying impact on the environment.

 

In March 2021, the BEIS Public Attitudes Tracker asked just over 4,000 adults across the UK whether they engaged in a number of behaviours known to limit the effects of climate change:

  • Choosing to walk, cycle or use public transport more instead of using a car
  • Avoiding/eating less meat
  • Avoiding/eating less dairy produce
  • Avoiding/minimising throwing away food
  • Driving an electric or hybrid car
  • Thinking about the energy efficiency of appliances when making a purchase
  • Minimising the amount of energy used at home
  • Avoiding/minimising air travel.

 

Just under two-thirds (62%) of adults said that they had done at least three of these behaviours. This increased to 68% among women and reduced to 56% among men.[21] Similarly, the BEIS survey showed that women were more likely to hold supportive attitudes towards taking action to reduce climate change. For example, women were more likely to agree that “if everyone does their bit, we can reduce the effects of climate change” (84% compared to 77% of men) and that “I have the ability to make changes in my life that could help reduce climate change” (75% compared to 66% of men).

 

The forthcoming sections of this paper explore the available evidence on gender differences in engagement of a range of behaviours associated with climate change:

 

4.1         Travel

Transport has been the largest net source of GHG emissions in Scotland since 2016. Historically, energy supply was the biggest contributor to Scotland’s emissions, but the decarbonisation of this sector, including the cessation of coal use for electricity generation in Scotland, has resulted in significant emissions reductions.  There has not been the same scale of reduction in emissions from the transport sector over the same period. As a result, transport has become responsible for an increasingly large share of Scotland’s emissions. In 2019, domestic transport (excluding international aviation and shipping) was the source of approximately a quarter of all Scottish GHG emissions.[22]

 

Transport is a much more complicated sector to decarbonise than energy supply as it is highly decentralised and enmeshed with human behaviour. Transport, whether by car, bus, train, bicycle or foot, is central to how most people live their day-to-day lives. Reducing emissions from transport is expected to require a combination of technological advances to deliver low emissions vehicles and changes in the level of demand, through a behavioural shift towards more sustainable modes of travel, including active travel (walking or cycling for transport).[23]

 

It is important to note that the data on gender differences reported in this section was collected prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. It is known that travel patterns changed considerably during the pandemic, especially during periods of lockdown in Scotland.[24] At present, it is not possible to draw any conclusions about the gendered aspect of the effect of the pandemic on travel in Scotland.

 

4.1.1       Frequency of travel

The SHS collects annual data on the travel undertaken by a representative sample of Scottish adults through a travel diary. The most recent data showed that, in 2019, around three quarters of adults in Scotland (74%) had travelled on the previous day. This is a decrease from a peak of 77% in 2014 and 2015. As shown in Table 1, women are slightly less likely than men to have travelled on the previous day, a difference that has remained broadly consistent over time.

 

Table 1: Percentage of adults travelling on the previous day 2009-2019 (Source: SHS)

2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019
All 77% 74% 73% 73% 76% 77% 77% 75% 73% 73% 74%
Women 75% 72% 71% 72% 74% 75% 75% 74% 72% 72% 73%
Men 78% 76% 75% 74% 77% 79% 78% 76% 75% 74% 74%

 

4.1.2       Distance travelled

The majority of journeys undertaken by adults in Scotland during 2019 were relatively short; a sixth of journeys (17%) were under 1 km and just over half (54%) were under 5 km.[25] The median journey length was 4.3 km. There have been no substantial changes in the distance travelled over time.

 

The length of journeys undertaken by women were slightly shorter than those undertaken by men; in 2019, the median journey length among women was 4.0 km compared to 4.7 km among men.[26] In addition, the longest journeys undertaken by men (upper decile, 33.4 km) were further than those of women (24.5 km). However, the journey length among women has been broadly increasing over time from a median of 3.2 km in 2012.

 

4.1.3       Use of and access to cars and vans

Car usage has been identified as a contributor to climate change due to emissions that drive global warming.[27] Car usage in Scotland has been steadily increasing over time, with just over half of all journeys being made by car or van in 2019 (53%). This is an increase from 48% in 2012.

 

Over two-thirds of adults in Scotland usually travelled to work by car or van, either as a driver or passenger, in 2019. In 1999, a smaller proportion of women than men drove to work (60% compared to 48%) but this difference has been narrowing over time. In 2019, 62% of women drove to work compared to 65% of men. Women were slightly more likely to travel to work as a passenger in a car (7%) than men (3%) in 2019.

 

Data on the proportions of adults that hold a driving license also provides an insight into the potential for car usage. In 2019, almost three-quarters of adults aged 17 and above held a driving license (71%). This is a record high, representing an increase from 63% in 1999. Despite increasing proportions of adults holding a driving license, women remain less likely to hold a driving license than men (66% of women compared to 77% of men in 2019). As shown in Figure 10, this gap has decreased over time, driven predominantly by an increase in the percentage of women with driving licenses.[28]

 

Figure 10: Proportion of adults over the age of 17 years with driving licenses by gender between 2008 and 2019 (SHS)

 

4.1.4       Air travel

Air travel has been identified as a contributor to climate change. It has recently been estimated that aviation accounts for around 3.5% of the global warming impact caused by human behaviour.[29]

 

The SHS gathers data on the frequency of air travel among Scottish adults. The latest data shows that just over half of adults (53%) took a flight in 2019. This is an increase from 51% in 2018 and from a low of 43% in 2011.[30]

 

There was no gender difference in whether or not adults had taken a flight in 2019; 54% of women had taken a flight compared to 53% of men.[31] There was, however, a gender difference in adults taking flights for work or business purposes; 11% of men had taken a flight for work or business purposes in 2019 compared to just 5% of women.[32]

 

4.1.5       Use of and access to public transport

Use of public transport, such as buses and trains, provide a lower emission alternative to travelling by car, van or flight.

 

Evidence suggests that bus use in Scotland is declining over time. In 2019, 39% of adults in Scotland had used the bus in the past month, with 8% using the bus every day or almost every day. These are the lowest figures since comparable records began in 2002.[33] As shown in Table 2, women tend to use buses more frequently than men; in 2019, 26% of women used the bus at least once a week compared to 23% of men.[34] However, in 2019, the percentage of women and men travelling to work outside the home by bus was comparable (9% and 10%, respectively).[35]

 

Table 2: The proportions of adults travelling by bus and train by frequency of travel and gender in 2019 (SHS)

  Bus Train
  Every day, or almost every day 2 or 3 times per week About once a week About once a fortnight, or about once a month Not used in past month Every day, or almost every day 2 or 3 times per week About once a week About once a fortnight, or about once a month Not used in past month
All 8% 9% 7% 14% 62% 2% 3% 4% 21% 70%
Women 9% 10% 7% 13% 60% 2% 3% 4% 22% 70%
Men 8% 8% 7% 15% 63% 3% 2% 4% 20% 71%

 

Adults in Scotland use trains less frequently than buses. In 2019, 30% of adults had used the train in the past month, with 2% using the train every day or almost every day.[36] Train use increased between 2002 and 2014 from 15% to 30% but has remained fairly constant since then. There are no differences between women and men in their frequency of rail travel; in 2019, 30% of women and 29% of men used train services at least once a month.[37] There was also no difference in usage of the train to travel to work, with 5% of women and men in employment travelling to work by rail in 2019.[38]

 

4.1.6        Engagement in active travel

Active travel means making journeys by walking or cycling. Active travel can help to combat the effects of climate change by reducing emissions arising from shorter journeys that would otherwise be taken by car, van, bus or rail. Scotland’s National Performance Framework (NPF) includes an indicator that measures the proportion of short journeys made by adults by active travel. Performance is assessed based on two measures:

  • The percentage or journeys less than two miles that are made by walking.
  • The percentage of journeys less than five miles that are made by cycling.

 

Data for this indicator shows that, between 2012 and 2019, there has been no notable change in the proportion of journeys under two miles made on foot; from 49% in 2012 to 48% 2019.[39] In 2019, women took a slightly lower percentage of journeys under two miles by walking (47%) than men (49%).[40] However, as shown in Figure 11, the gender difference was larger in the past; in 2014, women took 49% of journeys under two miles by walking compared with 55% of journeys undertaken by men.

 

Figure 11: The proportion of journeys under two miles by walking by gender from 2012 to 2019 (Source: Scottish Household Survey).

 

Whilst women are less likely than men to make short journeys on foot, there is some evidence suggesting that women are more likely to walk to work than men; in 2019, women in employment outside of the home were more likely to walk to work than men (14% compared to 10%).[41] It is possible that women’s journeys to work on foot are longer than two miles (and are therefore not captured by the ‘Journeys by active travel’ NPF indicator data) or that women make fewer shorter journeys on foot for non-work purposes than men.

 

The available data also shows differences in the likelihood of travelling to work on foot by a number of other equality and household characteristics.[42] In 2019, adults living in households with the lowest household incomes were more likely to walk to work (21%) than those with the highest incomes (7%). Similarly, those living in the most deprived areas were more likely to travel to work by walking (15%) than those living in the least deprived areas (9%). Those living in small remote towns (28%) and large urban areas (15%) were more likely to travel to work by walking than those living in accessible rural (6%) and small accessible towns (8%). However, the gendered aspects of these differences are not known as intersectional breakdowns are not currently published.

 

Bicycle usage among adults in Scotland is low. In 2019, 2% of journeys under five miles were undertaken by cycling.[43] There has been little change in the proportion of journeys being taken by cycling over time. There are small but sustained gender differences in bicycle usage; in 2019, less than 1% of journeys less than five miles undertaken by women were by bicycle compared with 3% of journeys undertaken by men.[44] This difference has remained broadly consistent over time. In 2019, women were also less likely to cycle to work (1%) than men (4%).

 

4.1.7       Use of online shopping and food delivery services

The relationship between use of delivery services and transport usage are debated. Whilst use of food and online shopping delivery services may reduce an individual’s car trips and associated emissions, the overall effect of increasing deliveries could be negative for climate change. A recent report by the World Economic Forum predicts a rise in traffic volume, CO2 emissions and congestion – all contributors to climate change – by 2030 due to a growing number of people buying goods online.[45]

 

The most recent data from the SHS shows that, among adults in Scotland, the most popular ordering service was internet shopping, which was used the previous day by 7% of the population in 2019, followed by takeaway food delivery (3%).[46] The SHS data shows no difference between women and men in their use of ordering services.[47] There was an association with age, with those aged 30-49 years being most frequent users of internet shopping (9%) and takeaway food delivery being most popular among those aged 20-29 years (5%). People aged over 70 used ordering services the least of all age groups. However, the gendered aspect of these age differences is not known.

 

ONS figures show that, in 2019, 82% of adults in Great Britain bought goods or services online in the last 12 months, representing an increase of five percentage points from 2018.[48] There has been a narrowing gender gap among those who shopped online in the previous 12 months. In 2008, fewer women (49%) than men (57%) shopped online but this had reduced to just a one percentage point difference in 2019 (83% and 82% for men and women respectively). There remain some gender differences in the types of good purchased online; a greater proportion of women purchased clothes or sports goods online compared to men (64% and 56% respectively). However, men were more likely to purchase electronic equipment (42%), video games software and other computer software (34%) and computer hardware (21%). This compares with 26%, 17% and 8% of women respectively.[49]

 

Food Standards Scotland carried out a monthly consumer survey between May and September 2020 to track behaviours and attitudes towards food purchasing and consumption during the COVID-19 pandemic. This showed that, in September 2020, 3 in 10 adults (31%) reported that they had had a food delivery from an online food ordering company (e.g. Deliveroo, Just Eat, Uber Eats) at least once in the previous month, a slight reduction from 38% of adults in August 2020.[50] The data consistently showed that women were more likely to have had a food delivery from an online company than men; in September 2020, 36% of women received an online food delivery compared to 26% of men. Likewise, in August 2020, 44% of women had received an online food delivery compared to 32% of men. Looking further at delivery frequency, women were more likely to receive a delivery ‘at least once a month but not every week’ (27% compared to 17% of men), but there was no difference in the proportions of women and men receiving a food delivery from an online food ordering company every week (9%).

 

The Food Standards Scotland surveys also gathered data on the frequency of online food deliveries from a supermarket. In September 2020, 34% of adults reported that they had had an online food delivery from a supermarket at least once in the previous month, a slight reduction from 36% in August 2020. There was no clear difference between women and men in their likelihood of having received food deliveries from supermarkets; in September 2020, 33% of women had received a food delivery from a supermarket at least once in the previous month compared to 35% of men. Likewise, in August 2020, 36% of women and men had received a food delivery from a supermarket at least once in the previous month.

 

 

4.2         Household waste and recycling

Waste management contributes approximately 3% of Scotland’s GHG emissions.[51] GHGs from the waste sector are mostly in the form of methane emitted from landfill sites as biodegradable waste (primarily food and paper or card) decomposes. There are also some additional emissions from the incineration of waste. Waste prevention, including reuse and recycling, is a low-cost, effective way of reducing emissions from the waste sector.[52]

 

The available evidence on gender differences in attitudes towards, and engagement in, household recycling is limited. Between 2014 and 2017, the SHS included questions on recycling and food waste. However, as this data was collected at the household rather than individual level, it is not possible to draw any conclusions on gender differences.

 

There is some limited evidence suggesting that women report engaging in recycling more than men. A YouGov survey of 2,000 British adults carried out in 2016 on behalf of the waste and water management company, SUEZ group, found that 41% of women claimed to recycle all they can compared to 34% of men.[53] Likewise, analysis of data collected in 2009/10 from Understanding Society, a nationally representative survey of households across the UK, showed that single women were more likely than single men to report that they recycle some of their waste and unwanted items (69% compared to 59%).[54] However, it is important to note that increased reporting of recycling among women could reflect underlying differences in the intra-household division of labour and/or gender differences in social desirability bias (i.e. women may be more likely to report an answer that they deem to be more socially acceptable).

 

4.2.1       Fast fashion

‘Fast fashion’ is a term used to refer to the mass production of low-cost clothing to meet rapidly changing consumer demand. Fast fashion has been identified as contributor to climate change due to the environmental impacts associated with water use, chemical pollution, CO2 emissions and textile waste.[55] A report by the Royal Society for the Arts looked at more than 2,500 clothing items targeted at women added to leading online websites between 11 to 29 May 2021, and found that just under half were made of polyester, acrylic, nylon and elastane. Only 3% of the clothing items that contained plastics used recycled plastics.[56] The study did not examine the composition of clothing items targeted at men.

 

There is limited available evidence on gender differences in consumer attitudes or purchasing behaviours in relation to fast fashion and, of the available evidence, there is little available in an unbiased representative sample.

 

The survey carried out by Girlguiding, introduced above in Section 3.1, asked UK girls and young women aged 7 to 21 years their views on fast fashion.[57] This showed that:

  • Almost 4 in 10 (39%) reported that they feel pressure to buy the latest clothes to keep on top of fashion trends.
  • Half (50%) of the girls and young women aged 11 to 16 years thought that fast fashion has a negative effect on the environment, increasing to almost two-thirds (63%) of those aged 17 to 21 years.
  • Almost 9 in 10 (88%) thought that companies should be doing more to produce clothes in an environmentally friendly way.
  • Almost 9 in 10 (89%) felt that clothing companies should reduce the amount of plastic in the clothes they produce.
  • Two fifths (39%) reported trying to buy clothes that are recycled, second-hand or from charity shops. However, 68% reported that they find it difficult to shop in an environmentally friendly way.

 

4.2.2       Reusable period products

Single use period products, such as tampons and sanitary towels, have been identified as contributors to plastics waste.[58] Recent years have seen increased interest among women in the use of reusable period products – such as menstrual cups, reusable pads and period pants – in part due to their reduced environmental impact compared to single-use disposable period products.

 

Research commissioned by Zero Waste Scotland in August 2019 showed that, of the 1,015 people using period products surveyed, 13% reported using reusable period products compared to 85% using disposable pads/liners and 49% using disposable tampons.[59] The most commonly used reusable period products were menstrual cups (7%) and period pants/underwear (5%). 8 in 10 (80%) reported never having tried reusable products. Of those who used reusable period products, just 3% reported using reusable period products exclusively.

 

When asked about the reasons for using disposable period products, the majority reported using them out of habit (61% tampons, 74% pads/liners), convenience (63% tampons and pads/liners), reliability (51% tampons, 45% pads/liners) and comfort (41% tampons, 45% pads/liners). The majority of respondents reported that they had never changed period product type (64%). Among the 35% who had changed product type, 19% reported that this was due to comfort and 12% reported that the reason was due to environmental issues / waste. The most commonly reported reason for using menstrual cups was because they are environmentally friendly (77%), whereas the most common reason for using reusable pads/tampons/pants was comfort (44%). Among those currently using reusable period products, the most commonly reported prompts were advice from mums (33%), recommendations from a friend (32%) and advertising (29%).

 

A number of evidence sources have explored views of reusable period products among girls and younger women. A survey of 3,600 young people in education across Scotland was carried out by Young Scot on behalf of the Scottish Government between June and September 2019 to understand the experiences of pupils and students accessing free period products from their schools, colleges and universities.[60] The majority of respondents (93%) identified themselves as female. This showed that a minority of respondents had accessed reusable products, such as menstrual cups (4%) or reusable pads (2%), during the 2018-19 academic year. Among the minority of respondents who reported that there were not able to access their preferred type of period product, over half (52%) said that they would have preferred to access a reusable product of some form, with 38% identifying menstrual cups specifically.

 

The majority of respondents (85%) reported that they do not currently use reusable period products but, of these, around half (51%) said that they would consider using them and almost a third (30%) said that they were undecided. The most common suggestion in the further comments section of the survey was to increase the use of reusable/eco-friendly products.

 

The survey carried out on behalf of Girlguiding, introduced above in Section 3.1, asked UK girls and young women aged 7 to 21 years their views on reusable period products.[61] This showed that:

  • The majority (86%) thought that manufacturers should be doing more to reduce plastic waste in period products, with 78% agreeing that manufacturers should list the amount of plastic in products.
  • Eight in 10 (80%) said that there should be more education on environmentally friendly period products.
  • Almost three quarters (74%) said that they would consider using environmentally friendly period products, with the majority (85%) saying that they should be more widely available in shops.
  • Over half (58%) said that environmentally friendly period products are too expensive.

 

4.3         Household energy usage

The Scottish Government collects data on household energy efficiency through the Scottish House Condition Survey but, as this data is collected about households and not individuals, gender breakdowns are not possible.

 

There has been some academic research that has examined gender differences in household energy usage. Qualitative research carried out in households in England found that, of all household members, women were perceived to use the most electricity in households where the woman took primary or full responsibility for tasks, such as cooking, washing clothes and vacuuming.[62] This research also found that the women that took part were slightly more likely to be concerned about household electricity usage than the men. Time use studies similarly show that women in the UK report spending more time on domestic activities that are associated with increased electricity demand.[63],[64] In addition, there is some evidence from outside of Scotland suggesting that women are responsible for much of household electricity consumption arising from an unequal division of household chores. For example, a 2017 report by the European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) concluded “Women spend more time than men in unpaid household work. This means that women spend more time at home and are therefore, more dependent than men on heating and indoor air quality. In addition, women are more dependent on energy to use household devices (e.g. ovens, dishwashers and vacuum cleaners)”.[65]

 

It is important to note, however, that these studies are based on assumptions about the energy usage associated with tasks typically performed in the home by women. Findings from recent academic research, published in July 2020, points to more nuanced gender differences in UK household’s energy usage by comparing activity diaries with simultaneous electricity recordings in the household. Replicating previous findings, this research shows that the activities associated with high electricity footprints are related to household tasks that are performed more often by women, such as use washing machine and activities related to making meals. However, whilst women do report undertaking more household chores than men, this research showed that the electricity consumed during their performance was lower than for men in many cases. Additionally, gender differences in the timing of activities was also observed, with women less likely to use washing machines during peak demand periods. During peak hours from 5 pm to 7 pm, the data showed similar electricity use patterns with 5% more demand for men.[66]

 

Qualitative research, carried out in partial fulfilment for an MRes at the at Glasgow Caledonian University in 2019, explored gender differences in household appliance use and energy awareness and behaviour among a sample of households in Scotland.[67] A range of household types were compared, including lone parents, older married, older single, younger single, younger married and households with a disabled member. The findings point to an interaction between gender and age in energy usage; younger women tended have energy use relating to personal cleaning and beautifying rituals, whereas older women were more likely to use kitchen appliances and appliances to keep themselves and their families clean. Men tended to use leisure appliances more than women. There was also an increased amount of appliances used in households with children, including higher use of kitchen appliances and appliances for washing and drying clothes. Within households with children, women were more likely to switch lights on to welcome children home from their activities, night-lights switched on all night to soothe children, and have more than one lamp in children’s’ bedrooms. In contrast, men tended to only switch lights on when they considered they were needed.

 

4.4         Diet

The consumption of red and processed meat has been identified as a contributor of greenhouse gas emissions.[68] An independent review commissioned by the UK Government, published in July 2021, recommended that people in the UK would need to eat 30% less meat by 2032 (compared to 2019) to meet climate, health and nature commitments.[69]

 

Currently there is no data routinely collected on red and processed meat consumption in a nationally representative sample of the Scottish population so available evidence for the UK population as whole is summarised here. Across the UK, red meat consumption has been decreasing over the past decade.[70] An analysis of the UK National Diet and Nutrition Survey showed that, between 2008-09 and 2018-19, the average amount of meat eaten per day per person in the UK reduced from 104 g to 86 g, including a 14 g reduction in daily red meat consumption.[71] Both women and men reduced their meat intake during this period. In addition, the proportion of adults limiting red and processed meat consumption to a recommended 70 g a day increased from 47% to 66% between 2008-09 and 2018-19. The analysis showed that, in 2018-19, women were more likely to be meeting this recommendation (74%) than men (57%).

 

Research commissioned by the Scottish Government in September 2020 explored attitudes to climate change and the green economy after the COVID-19 pandemic  in a nationally representative sample of 1,045 adults across Scotland.[72] This showed that 70% of adults said that they would be willing to reduce the amount of red meat they consume, with women more likely than men to say that they would be willing to cut back on red meat (75% compared to 65%).

 

Increased adoption of plant-based diets has been identified as a possible way of reducing greenhouse gas emissions associated with animal products.[73] The Scottish Health Survey collects data on the proportion of adults in Scotland consuming five portions of more of fruit and vegetables a day. This showed that under a quarter of adults (22%) met the 5-a-day recommendation in 2019, with little change over time. Women have consistently been slightly more likely than men meet the recommendation, although this difference was smaller in the latest data (23% of women versus 21% of men in 2019) than in previous years (22% of women versus 17% of men in 2016).[74] Likewise, women were slightly less likely than men to eat no portions of fruit and vegetables (9% of women versus 12% of men in 2019); a difference that has remained fairly constant over time.

 

4.5         Planned parenthood

In Western countries, there is some evidence of a correlation between levels of climate distress and opting not have children[75],[76] but this effect is not consistent across all studies and evidence of this phenomena in Scotland is limited.[77]

 

There is, however, some emerging research from the University of St. Andrews indicating that new and expecting mothers in Scotland feel a sense of guilt, anxiety, and loneliness due to climate change – both for bringing a child into a world where they will experience hardships in the future as a result and, more immediately, due to the carbon footprint that having a baby involves. [78] The findings also showed that

some women are choosing not to have children due to climate concerns. It is important to note, however, that this research has not yet been subject to academic peer-review so these results should be treated with caution.

 

5.             Education

This section of the paper explores the representation and attainment of women and girls on subjects and courses on climate change in schools, colleges (further education) and universities (higher education).

 

5.1          Highers (schools)

Two subjects are available at Highers level that contain content on climate change: Environmental Science and Geography.

 

In the 2019-20 academic year, girls accounted for 57% of entries to SQA Higher Environmental Science.[79] This course “encourages candidates to take a problem-solving approach, develop solutions to prevent or reverse environmental deterioration and develop an understanding of sustainable practices”.[80] There is no equivalent course at Advanced Higher level.

 

The proportion of girls taking Environmental Science at Higher level has been consistently greater than most of other STEM subjects. For comparison, among Highers pupils in the 2019-20 academic year, girls accounted for:[81]

  • 65% of pupils taking Biology;
  • 53% of pupils taking Chemistry;
  • 28% of pupils taking Physics;
  • 11% of pupils taking Engineering Science.

 

As shown in Table 3, the proportion of girls studying SQA Higher Environmental Science increased from 45% when it was introduced in the 2015-16 academic year to 57% in the 2016-17, where it has remained broadly constant since. Whilst the number of girls taking SQA Higher Environmental Science initially increased, numbers have been steadily decreasing from a peak of 259 in the 2016-17 academic year to 205 in the most recent 2019-20 academic year.

 

Table 3: Numbers and proportions of girls taking subjects including curriculum on climate change at Higher level from the 2014-15 to 2019-20 academic years (Source: SQA statistics).

Academic year Environmental Science Geography
Number of girls Proportion of girls Number of girls Proportion of girls
2014-15 2,258 52%
2015-16 176 45% 4,242 52%
2016-17 259 57% 4,211 53%
2017-18 216 51% 3,958 54%
2018-19 224 57% 3,846 56%
2019-20 205 57% 3,541 55%

 

Since the introduction of SQA Higher Environmental Science, girls have consistently outperformed boys in their attainment. In the 2019-20 academic year, 38% of girls achieved a grade A and 91% achieved grades A-C compared to 23% and 88% of boys, respectively.[82]

 

In the 2019-20 academic year, girls accounted for 55% of entries to SQA Higher Geography. This course encourages candidates to “develop and apply knowledge and understanding of global geographical issues which demonstrate the interaction of physical and human factors, and evaluate the strategies adopted to manage these issues. Key topics include … global climate change”.[83] According to the most recent course specification, there is no specific coverage of climate change in SQA Geography at Advanced Higher level so figures for that course are not reported here.[84]

 

As shown in Table 3, girls consistently represent over half of all entries to SQA Higher Geography, with representation rising from 52% in the 2014-15 academic year to a peak of 56% in the 2018-19 academic year. The number of girls taking SQA Higher Geography peaked in the 2015-16 academic year with 4,242, reducing to 3,541 girls taking this course in the 2019-20 academic year.

 

As seen for Environmental Science, girls consistently outperform boys in their attainment on SQA Higher Geography. In the 2019-20 academic year, 47% of girls achieved a grade A and 91% achieved grades A-C compared to 34% and 86% of boys, respectively.[85]

 

5.2          Further education

Since the first available data in the 1998-99 academic year, there have been a range of courses available at further education institutions in Scotland relevant to understanding climate change including:

  • Environmental Protection / Conservation
  • Energy Economics / Management / Conservation
  • Pollution / Pollution Control
  • Earth Sciences

 

Only a small number of students are studying the above courses in Scotland, with only 172 women in the 2019-20 academic year. However, there is good representation of women, with women representing just under half (47%) of all students on these courses 2019-20.[86] A trend cannot be presented over time due to the small number of students taking these courses.

 

5.3          Higher education

There are two subjects offered at higher education institutions in Scotland of relevance to climate change:

  • Geographical and Environmental Studies (natural sciences)
  • Geographic and Environmental Studies (social sciences)

 

In the 2019-20 academic year, there were 1,185 women enrolled on undergraduate Geographic and Environmental Studies (natural sciences) courses at universities in Scotland compared with 770 men, meaning that women represented 61% of all students.[87] This is a slightly higher proportion of women enrolled on undergraduate Geographic and Environmental Studies (natural sciences) courses than at universities across the UK (55%).

 

Women represented a slightly higher proportion of students on social science courses related to climate change than natural science courses. In the 2019-20 academic year, there were 580 women enrolled on Geographic and Environmental Studies (social sciences) courses compared to 270 men, meaning that women represented 68% of all students. This is also a slightly higher proportion of women enrolled on undergraduate Geographic and environmental studies (social sciences) courses than at universities across the UK (59%).

 

Women represented the majority of students enrolled on postgraduate Geographic and Environmental Studies courses in the natural and social sciences at universities in Scotland. In the 2019-20 academic year, there were 410 women enrolled on postgraduate Geographic and environmental studies (natural sciences) and 160 enrolled on postgraduate Geographic and environmental studies (social sciences) courses in Scotland, representing 54% and 68% of all students. As seen for undergraduate courses, these are slightly higher than the proportions of women enrolled on these postgraduate courses at universities across the UK (54% and 60%, respectively).

 

There is no available data available to assess the trend in the proportion of women on Geographic and environmental studies courses over time.

 

6.             Industry

6.1          Environment and conservation industry

A range of evidence shows that women are well represented in jobs in the environment and conservation industry in Scotland. This paper defines the environment and conservation industry as comprising those employed as:

  • Conservation Professionals
  • Environment Professionals
  • Conservation and Environmental Associate Professionals

Note, however, that figures for Conservation and Environmental Associate Professionals are not presented for Scotland due to the low numbers of people employed in these roles.

 

The latest available data from the Annual Population Survey shows that, between April 2020 and March 2021 there were around 3,600 women employed as Conservation and Environment Professionals in Scotland.[88] These women comprised half (50%) of all employees in these roles.

 

As shown in Table 4, the number of women employed as Conservation and Environment Professionals in Scotland has increased in the past decade from a low of 1,067 in 2005/06-2007/08 to a peak of 2,700 in the most recent data covering 2018/19-2020/21. There was a steady increase in the representation of women in these roles from 32.9% in 2005/06-2007/08 to a peak of 46.3% in 2012/13-2014/15. However, recent years have seen a slight drop in the representation of women to 40.6% in 2018/19-2020/21.

 

Across the UK there has likewise been an increase of women working as Conservation and Environment Professionals over time and an increasing representation of women. The proportion of women in this industry is similar in Scotland and the UK.

 

Table 4: The numbers and proportions of women employed as conservation and environmental professionals in Scotland and the UK (Source: Annual Population Survey). Data is presented as three-year rolling averages to increase the robustness of the trends.

  Scotland UK
Year Number of women Proportion of women Number of women Proportion of women
2005/06 – 2007/08 1,067 32.9% 10,300 30.2%
2006/07 – 2008/09 1,167 32.0% 11,567 32.5%
2007/08 – 2009/10 1,300 29.9% 13,667 36.7%
2008/09 – 2010/11 1,733 35.8% 16,767 40.8%
2009/10 – 2011/12 2,133 40.6% 17,967 41.3%
2010/11 – 2012/13 2,567 45.9% 18,400 39.7%
2011/12 – 2013/14 2,600 45.7% 18,667 39.0%
2012/13 – 2014/15 2,433 46.3% 19,200 39.6%
2013/14 – 2015/16 2,433 45.6% 20,800 41.5%
2014/15 – 2016/17 2,267 42.6% 19,600 39.6%
2015/16 – 2017/18 2,333 39.1% 20,533 39.8%
2016/17 – 2018/19 2,467 38.8% 20,400 35.9%
2017/18 – 2019/20 2,433 37.4% 23,133 38.2%
2018/19 – 2020/21 2,700 40.6% 24,300 39.7%

 

The latest available data on the numbers of employees working as Conservation and Environment Professionals in the UK covering the period April to June 2018, shows that a markedly lower proportion of women were in full-time roles (75%) than men (98%) and all employees (89%).[89] Figures for the proportions of women and men in full-time roles are presented for comparison as a figure for men in part-time roles is not disclosed due to low numbers.

 

Data is also available on the numbers of women working as Conservation and Environmental Associate Professionals across the UK. Between April 2020 and March 20201 there were around 3,800 women employed in these roles, representing just under a third (35%) of all employees.[90]

 

6.2          Energy and water industry

Available data presents the numbers of women employed in the energy and water industry as a whole. This includes the following sectors:

  • Mining and Quarrying, including the extraction of crude petroleum and natural gas.
  • Electricity, gas, stream and air conditioning supply, including the production, transmission, distribution and trade of electricity; the manufacture and trade of gas; the distribution of gaseous fuels through mains.
  • Water supply, sewerage, waste management and remediation activities, including the collection and treatment and disposal of hazardous and non-hazardous waste.

 

The latest available data from the Annual Population Survey shows that, between April 2020 and March 2021 there were around 30,900 women employed in the energy and water industry in Scotland.[91] These women comprised just over a quarter (27%) of all employees in this industry.

 

As shown in Table 5, the number of women employed in the energy and water industry in Scotland has increased steadily in the past decade from a low of 17,133 in 2005/06-2007/08 to a peak of 24,567 in the most recent data covering 2018/19-2020/21. However, the representation of women in the sector has remained unchanged during this time.

 

Across the UK there has likewise been an increase of women working in the energy and water sector over time but no change in the representation of women. The representation of women in the sector has been slightly lower in Scotland than in the UK as a whole, but the most recent data shows no difference.

 

Table 5: The numbers and proportions of women employed in the energy and water sector in Scotland and the UK (Source: Annual Population Survey). Data is presented as three-year rolling averages to increase the robustness of the trends.

  Scotland UK
Year Number of women Proportion of women Number of women Proportion of women
2005/06 – 2007/08 17,133 21.4% 97,500 21.9%
2006/07 – 2008/09 17,800 21.2% 104,567 22.3%
2007/08 – 2009/10 18,567 21.5% 100,767 21.1%
2008/09 – 2010/11 17,767 20.6% 94,633 19.7%
2009/10 – 2011/12 16,233 19.8% 93,333 18.9%
2010/11 – 2012/13 15,067 18.5% 100,300 19.7%
2011/12 – 2013/14 15,733 18.2% 108,867 20.7%
2012/13 – 2014/15 17,333 18.6% 110,433 20.8%
2013/14 – 2015/16 18,967 19.7% 110,700 20.7%
2014/15 – 2016/17 18,167 19.4% 110,167 20.6%
2015/16 – 2017/18 18,633 18.9% 109,500 20.5%
2016/17 – 2018/19 18,700 17.9% 109,500 20.1%
2017/18 – 2019/20 21,400 19.5% 113,767 20.6%
2018/19 – 2020/21 24,567 22.2% 122,933 22.3%

 

 

6.2.1       Gender pay gap

In 2020, the median gender pay gap (the gender difference in median hourly earnings for all employee jobs) was 22.8% among all employees in the ‘Energy, gas, steam and air conditioning supply’ industry across the UK, reducing to 18.6% among full-time employees.[92] This is markedly higher than the median gender pay gap for all industries in the UK, which was 15.5% for all employees and 7.4% for full-time employees in 2020. Estimates for the gender pay gap in this industry in Scotland are considered unreliable and are therefore not published by ONS.

 

7.             Global impacts of climate change

Evidence on the differential impacts of climate change on women and men in Scotland is currently limited so robust conclusions in this regard cannot be drawn.[93] There is, however, evidence to suggest that globally climate change is more likely to affect women than men.

 

An analysis of peer-reviewed studies finds that globally women and girls often face disproportionately high health risks from the impacts of climate change when compared to men and boys; out of the 130 climate and health studies analysed, around 68% (89) found that women were more affected than men.[94] These were not limited to physical health risks, with studies indicating that women are much more likely to experience mental health disorders such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), anxiety and depression in the aftermath of experiencing extreme weather events.[95] However, men face a higher risk of suicide than women following extreme weather events.[96],[97].

 

An academic literature review carried out in 2017 examined evidence on gender and climate change in relation to vulnerability and climate change impacts.[98] This concluded that:

  • Women’s vulnerability to climate change arises due to existing gender inequalities and unequal power relations in societies across the world.
  • Women in developing countries face distinctive strains and risks related to climate-induced resource scarcity resulting in an increase in time, physical strain and violence experienced by women.
  • An intersectional approach that considers other equality characteristics, such as race, ethnicity, age, sexual orientation, disability, can be usefully applied to further understanding of the structural inequalities underlying climate change.

 

Consistent with the findings of the aforementioned literature review, recent research has shown a negative correlation between levels of gender inequality and climate action[99] and a positive correlation between gender inequality and CO2 emissions across 14 European countries.[100]

 

8.             Conclusions

In summary, the available evidence shows the following about women and girls’ experiences of climate change:

  • Women are more likely than men to consider climate change a problem, especially younger women and women living in less deprived areas.
  • Women are more concerned about climate change and less likely to believe that it’s not worth themselves doing things to help the environment if others are not doing the same, a difference that is most pronounced among older adults and those living in the most deprived areas.
  • Women are less likely to travel by car or van, have a driving license, and take flights for work, and take, on average, travel shorter distances than men. However, women are also less likely to engage in active travel than men including being less likely to take short journeys by walking or cycling.
  • There is emerging evidence that women and girls are willing to change their behaviours in response to climate change, including recycling and reducing waste through use of sustainable and reusable products.
  • Women and girls are well represented on subjects that include content on climate change in schools, colleges and universities, with increasing representation over time. Girls also consistently outperform boys in their attainment on these subjects in schools.
  • There are increasing numbers of women in professional roles in the environment and conservation industry in Scotland. However, whilst representation initially increased, recent years have seen a decline in the representation of women in these roles. Women are less likely to be in full-time roles than men which is likely to impact on pay and progression.
  • There are increasing numbers of women employed in the energy and water industry in Scotland, but there has been little change in the representation of women over the past decade and the gender pay gap in this industry is significantly larger than the average for all sectors in the UK.
  • Globally, women are likely to face disproportionate impacts of climate change due to pre-existing gender inequalities. More evidence is needed to assess the impacts of climate change on women in Scotland.

 

9.             References

Some data sources drawn on in this report collect self-reported data on whether respondents are male or female. The term gender is used throughout this report, although some data sources use the term sex in their research.

[1] IPCC (2021). Summary for Policymakers. In V.P. Masson-Delmotte et al. (Eds.), Climate Change 2021: The Physical Science Basis. Contribution of Working Group I to the Sixth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. Cambridge University Press. Available from: https://www.ipcc.ch/report/ar6/wg1/#SPM

[2] IPCC (2018). Summary for Policymakers. In V.P. Masson-Delmotte et al. (Eds.), Global Warming of 1.5°C. An IPCC Special Report on the impacts of global warming of 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels and related global greenhouse gas emission pathways, in the context of strengthening the global response to the threat of climate change, sustainable development, and efforts to eradicate poverty. Available from: https://www.ipcc.ch/sr15/chapter/spm/

[3] Committee on Climate Change (2019). Net Zero: The UK’s contribution to stopping global warming. Available from: https://www.theccc.org.uk/publication/net-zero-the-uks-contribution-to-stopping-global-warming/

4 Ibid.

[5] Scottish Household Survey (2019). Scottish household survey 2019: Key Findings. Available at:

https://www.gov.scot/publications/scottish-household-survey-2019-key-findings/pages/12/

[6] Ibid.

[7] Scottish Household Survey (2018). Scottish household survey 2018: annual report. Available at: https://www.gov.scot/binaries/content/documents/govscot/publications/statistics/2019/09/scotlands-people-annual-report-results-2018-scottish-household-survey/documents/scotlands-people-annual-report-2018/scotlands-people-annual-report-2018/govscot%3Adocument/scotlands-people-annual-report-2018.pdf

[8] Unpublished ad hoc analysis from the Scottish Household Survey.

[9] Scottish Household Survey (2017). Scotland’s people: Climate change. Available at: https://www.gov.scot/binaries/content/documents/govscot/publications/research-and-analysis/2018/09/scottish-household-survey-topic-report-climate-change-2017/documents/00539848-pdf/00539848-pdf/govscot%3Adocument/00539848.pdf

[10] Scottish Government (2020). Scottish index of multiple deprivation 2020: Introduction, Available at: https://www.gov.scot/publications/scottish-index-multiple-deprivation-2020/pages/5/

[11] Unpublished ad hoc analysis from the Scottish Household Survey.

[12] Scottish Household Survey (2019). Scottish household survey 2019: Key Findings. Available at:

https://www.gov.scot/publications/scottish-household-survey-2019-key-findings/pages/12/

[13] Unpublished ad hoc analysis from the Scottish Household Survey.

[14] Scottish Household Survey (2019). Scottish household survey 2019: Key Findings. Available at:

https://www.gov.scot/publications/scottish-household-survey-2019-key-findings/pages/12/

[15] Unpublished ad hoc analysis from the Scottish Household Survey.

[16] NatCen (2021). Public attitudes to climate change in Great Britain: Before and since COVID-19. Available at: https://natcen.ac.uk/media/2064938/Public-attitudes-to-climate-change-in-Great-Britain.pdf

[17] Girlguiding (2020). Girls’ attitudes survey 2020: A snapshot of girls’ and young women’s lives. Available from: https://www.girlguiding.org.uk/globalassets/docs-and-resources/research-and-campaigns/girls-attitudes-survey-2020.pdf

[18] Scottish Household Survey (2018). Scottish household survey 2018: annual report. Available at: https://www.gov.scot/binaries/content/documents/govscot/publications/statistics/2019/09/scotlands-people-annual-report-results-2018-scottish-household-survey/documents/scotlands-people-annual-report-2018/scotlands-people-annual-report-2018/govscot%3Adocument/scotlands-people-annual-report-2018.pdf

[19] Ibid.

[20] Ibid.

[21] Department for Business, Energy & Industrial Strategy. (2021). BEIS public attitudes tracker: March 2021, Wave 37, UK. Available from: https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/985092/BEIS_PAT_W37_-_Key_Findings.pdf

[22] The Scottish Government (2021). Scottish Greenhouse Gas Statistics: 1990-2019. Available from: https://www.gov.scot/publications/scottish-greenhouse-gas-statistics-1990-2019/documents/

[23] Brand, C. et al. (2021). The climate change mitigation impacts of active travel: Evidence from a longitudinal panel study in seven European cities. Global Environmental Change, 67: 102224. Available from: https://assets.researchsquare.com/files/rs-149916/v1/e4c20998-ac24-4d49-9490-0f5b293d4140.pdf?c=1631871715

[24] Transport Scotland (2021). COVID-19: Scotland’s transport and travel trends during the first six months of the pandemic. Available from: https://www.transport.gov.scot/media/49017/covid-19-scotlands-transport-and-travel-trends-during-the-first-six-months-of-the-pandemic.pdf

[25] Transport Scotland (2020). Transport and travel in Scotland 2019: Results from the Scottish Household Survey: Personal travel. Available from: https://www.transport.gov.scot/publication/transport-and-travel-in-scotland-2019-results-from-the-scottish-household-survey/personal-travel/#sec7

[26] Transport Scotland (2020). Transport and travel in Scotland 2019: Results from the Scottish Household Survey: Table TD5. Available from: https://www.transport.gov.scot/publication/transport-and-travel-in-scotland-2019-results-from-the-scottish-household-survey/table-td5-distance-distance-km-summary-statistics-2012-2019/

[27] National Geographic (2019). The environmental impacts of cars, explained. Available from: https://www.nationalgeographic.com/environment/article/environmental-impact

[28] Transport Scotland (2020). Transport and travel in Scotland 2019: Results from the Scottish Household Survey: Table T1. Available from: https://www.transport.gov.scot/publication/transport-and-travel-in-scotland-2019-results-from-the-scottish-household-survey/table-1-driving-licence-people-aged-17-or-over-those-who-hold-full-driving-licence-2009-20191/

[29] Lee, D. & Forster, P. (2020). Guest post: Calculating the true climate impact of aviation emissions. Carbon Brief. Available at: https://www.carbonbrief.org/guest-post-calculating-the-true-climate-impact-of-aviation-emissions

[30] Transport Scotland (2020). Transport and travel in Scotland 2019: Results from the Scottish Household Survey: Public transport and aviation. Available from: https://www.transport.gov.scot/publication/transport-and-travel-in-scotland-2019-results-from-the-scottish-household-survey/public-transport-and-aviation/

[31] Unpublished ad hoc analysis from the Scottish Household Survey.

[32] Ibid.

[33] Transport Scotland (2020). Transport and travel in Scotland 2019: Results from the Scottish Household Survey: Public transport and aviation. Available from: https://www.transport.gov.scot/publication/transport-and-travel-in-scotland-2019-results-from-the-scottish-household-survey/public-transport-and-aviation/

[34] Transport Scotland (2020). Transport and travel in Scotland 2019: Results from the Scottish Household Survey: Table 28. Available from: https://www.transport.gov.scot/publication/transport-and-travel-in-scotland-2019-results-from-the-scottish-household-survey/table-28-bus-and-train-use-adults-use-of-local-bus-and-train-services-in-the-past-month-2019/

[35] Transport Scotland (2020). Transport and travel in Scotland 2019: Results from the Scottish Household Survey: Table 7. Available from: https://www.transport.gov.scot/publication/transport-and-travel-in-scotland-2019-results-from-the-scottish-household-survey/table-7-travel-to-work-employed-adults-not-working-from-home-usual-method-of-travel-to-workstar-2019/

[36] Transport Scotland (2020). Transport and travel in Scotland 2019: Results from the Scottish Household Survey: Public transport and aviation. Available from: https://www.transport.gov.scot/publication/transport-and-travel-in-scotland-2019-results-from-the-scottish-household-survey/public-transport-and-aviation/

[37] Transport Scotland (2020). Transport and travel in Scotland 2019: Results from the Scottish Household Survey: Table 28. Available from: https://www.transport.gov.scot/publication/transport-and-travel-in-scotland-2019-results-from-the-scottish-household-survey/table-28-bus-and-train-use-adults-use-of-local-bus-and-train-services-in-the-past-month-2019/

[38] Transport Scotland (2020). Transport and travel in Scotland 2019: Results from the Scottish Household Survey: Table 7. Available from: https://www.transport.gov.scot/publication/transport-and-travel-in-scotland-2019-results-from-the-scottish-household-survey/table-7-travel-to-work-employed-adults-not-working-from-home-usual-method-of-travel-to-workstar-2019/

[39] Journeys by active travel available at: https://nationalperformance.gov.scot/measuring-progress/national-indicator-performance

[40] Equality breakdowns of the Journeys by active travel indicator available at: https://scotland.shinyapps.io/sg-equality-evidence-finder/

[41] Transport Scotland (2020). Transport and travel in Scotland 2019: Results from the Scottish Household Survey: Table 7. Available from: https://www.transport.gov.scot/publication/transport-and-travel-in-scotland-2019-results-from-the-scottish-household-survey/table-7-travel-to-work-employed-adults-not-working-from-home-usual-method-of-travel-to-workstar-2019/

[42] Transport Scotland (2020). Transport and travel in Scotland 2019: Results from the Scottish Household Survey: Table 7. Available from: https://www.transport.gov.scot/publication/transport-and-travel-in-scotland-2019-results-from-the-scottish-household-survey/table-7-travel-to-work-employed-adults-not-working-from-home-usual-method-of-travel-to-workstar-2019/

[43] Journeys by active travel available at: https://nationalperformance.gov.scot/measuring-progress/national-indicator-performance

[44] Equality breakdowns of the Journeys by active travel indicator available at: https://scotland.shinyapps.io/sg-equality-evidence-finder/

[45] World Economic Forum (2020). The future of the last-mile ecosystem. Available from: https://www3.weforum.org/docs/WEF_Future_of_the_last_mile_ecosystem.pdf

[46] Transport Scotland (2020). Transport and travel in Scotland 2019: Results from the Scottish Household Survey: Personal travel. Available from: https://www.transport.gov.scot/publication/transport-and-travel-in-scotland-2019-results-from-the-scottish-household-survey/personal-travel/#sec7

[47] Transport Scotland (2020). Transport and travel in Scotland 2019: Results from the Scottish Household Survey: Table TD17. Available from: https://www.transport.gov.scot/publication/transport-and-travel-in-scotland-2019-results-from-the-scottish-household-survey/table-td17-use-of-ordering-services-the-previous-day-2019/

[48] Office for National Statistics (2019). How our internet activity has influenced the way we shop: October 2019. Available from: https://www.ons.gov.uk/businessindustryandtrade/retailindustry/articles/howourinternetactivityhasinfluencedthewayweshop/october2019

[49] Office for National Statistics (2019). Internet access – households and individuals, Great Britain: 2019. Available from: https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/householdcharacteristics/homeinternetandsocialmediausage/bulletins/internetaccesshouseholdsandindividuals/2019

[50] Food Standards Scotland. (2020). COVID-19 consumer tracker wave 4. Available from: https://www.foodstandards.gov.scot/publications-and-research/publications/covid-19-consumer-tracker-wave-4

[51] The Scottish Government (2021). Scottish Greenhouse Gas Statistics: 1990-2019. Available from: https://www.gov.scot/publications/scottish-greenhouse-gas-statistics-1990-2019/documents/

[52] Committee on Climate Change (2013) Factsheet: Waste. Available from:  https://www.theccc.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2013/04/Waste-factsheet.pdf

[53] SUEZ (2016). SUEZ and YouGov survey of Britain’s household recycling habits. Available from: https://www.suez.co.uk/en-gb/news/press-releases/suez-and-yougov-survey-of-britain-s-household-recycling-habits

[54] Pettifor, H. (2012). Patterns of household practice: An examination into the relationship between housework and waste separation for households in the United Kingdom (No. 2012-14). Iser Working Paper Series. Available from: https://www.econstor.eu/bitstream/10419/65995/1/719935377.pdf

[55] Niinimäki, K., Peters, G., Dahlbo, H., Perry, P., Rissanen, T., & Gwilt, A. (2020). The environmental price of fast fashion. Nature Reviews Earth & Environment1(4), 189-200. Available from: https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Patsy-Perry/publication/340635670_The_environmental_price_of_fast_fashion/links/5f2960c4a6fdcccc43a8ca65/The-environmental-price-of-fast-fashion.pdf

[56] RSA (2021). Fast fashion’s plastic problem: Sustainability and material usage in online fashion. Available from: https://www.thersa.org/globalassets/reports/2021/fast-fashions-plastic-problem.pdf

[57] Girlguiding (2020). Girls’ attitudes survey 2020: A snapshot of girls’ and young women’s lives. Available from: https://www.girlguiding.org.uk/globalassets/docs-and-resources/research-and-campaigns/girls-attitudes-survey-2020.pdf

[58] London Assembly (2018). Written evidence we received during the investigation into single-use plastics: Unflushables. Available from: https://www.london.gov.uk/sites/default/files/plastics_unflushables_-_submited_evidence.pdf

[59] Zero Waste Scotland (2019). Consumer attitudes towards reusable menstrual products in Scotland. Available from: https://www.zerowastescotland.org.uk/sites/default/files/Reusable%20Menstrual%20Products%20Research%20Report%20.pdf

[60] Young Scot (2019). Access to period products in your school, college or university: Survey results. Available from: https://static1.squarespace.com/static/5cee5bd0687a1500015b5a9f/t/5e709ce9b8d046580053e034/1584438530347/YS_Access_Period_Products_Report_UPDATED.pdf

[61] Girlguiding (2020). Girls’ attitudes survey 2020: A snapshot of girls’ and young women’s lives. Available from: https://www.girlguiding.org.uk/globalassets/docs-and-resources/research-and-campaigns/girls-attitudes-survey-2020.pdf

[62] Murtagh, N., Gatersleben, B., & Uzzell, D. (2014). 20∶ 60∶ 20-Differences in energy behaviour and conservation between and within households with electricity monitors. PloS one9(3), e92019. Available from: https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/20483596.pdf

[63] Scottish Government (2010). Time use in Scotland 2020: ONS online time use survey – gender analysis. Available from: https://www.gov.scot/publications/time-use-scotland-2020-gender-analysis-ons-online-time-use-survey/

[64] Torriti, J. (2017). Understanding the timing of energy demand through time use data: Time of the day dependence of social practices. Energy research & social science25, 37-47. Available from: https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/74206919.pdf

[65] European Institute for Gender Equality (2017). Gender and energy. Available from: https://eige.europa.eu/publications/gender-and-energy

[66] Grünewald, P., & Diakonova, M. (2020). Societal differences, activities, and performance: Examining the role of gender in electricity demand in the United Kingdom. Energy Research & Social Science69, 101719. Available from: https://d1wqtxts1xzle7.cloudfront.net/65949225/Grunewald20a.pdf?1615290812=&response-content-disposition=inline%3B+filename%3DSocietal_differences_activities_and_perf.pdf&Expires=1635454110&Signature=X0BGlKtO3eGL2DPs1XHYtsE5PdxV4guwQgJYkyTWdZHbBe-A2At1Nvzis3oIWihrSWve~xOYY3h6B7iYbalkGwH2zoH8LNXzF5SqjF~I3ZoSHJ-DCdy0I83ycldXTTMSuNWmRyJxpToYqmfTIHZQzqenrEVQJfW4aIofQWWdDFYAmTHoQ85V2DPwvS1rcTz7bsPMBJguBbCR79-k9YnxmZnJhPSJ-cAuhpkof6TeJXucwOM9UaQnpYVFpCB1zXsQE4XqJScR3YwEJPlyxsvEEisRgs1D3TDnzMb7RL03ojXHWZspBWxSBLYW4W0too4HClYYa7cDcv9tcN25I8aBkg__&Key-Pair-Id=APKAJLOHF5GGSLRBV4ZA

[67] Melone, H. (2019). Gender-based perspectives of fuel poverty in Scotland. Unpublished dissertation. Available from: https://www.fuelpovertylibrary.info/sites/default/files/Helen_Melone_Dissertation_FINAL.pdf

[68] Aston, L. M., Smith, J. N., & Powles, J. W. (2012). Impact of a reduced red and processed meat dietary pattern on disease risks and greenhouse gas emissions in the UK: a modelling study. BMJ open2(5), e001072. Available from: https://bmjopen.bmj.com/content/bmjopen/2/5/e001072.full.pdf

[69] Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs (2021). National food strategy for England. Available from: https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/national-food-strategy-for-england

[70] Stewart, C., Piernas, C., Cook, B., & Jebb, S. A. (2021). Trends in UK meat consumption: analysis of data from years 1–11 (2008–09 to 2018–19) of the National Diet and Nutrition Survey rolling programme. The Lancet Planetary Health5(10), e699-e708. Available from: https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lanplh/article/PIIS2542-5196(21)00228-X/fulltext

[71] Stewart, C., Piernas, C., Cook, B., & Jebb, S. A. (2021). Trends in UK meat consumption: analysis of data from years 1–11 (2008–09 to 2018–19) of the National Diet and Nutrition Survey rolling programme. The Lancet Planetary Health5(10), e699-e708. Available from: https://www.thelancet.com/journals/lanplh/article/PIIS2542-5196(21)00228-X/fulltext

[72] Scottish Government (2020). Research into public attitudes to climate change policy and a green recovery. Available from: https://www.gov.scot/binaries/content/documents/govscot/publications/strategy-plan/2020/12/securing-green-recovery-path-net-zero-update-climate-change-plan-20182032/documents/research-public-attitudes-climate-change-policy-green-recovery/research-public-attitudes-climate-change-policy-green-recovery/govscot%3Adocument/research-public-attitudes-climate-change-policy-green-recovery.pdf

[73] IPCC (2019). Climate change and land. Access from: https://www.ipcc.ch/srccl/

[74] Scottish Health Survey (2019). Data accessed from: https://scotland.shinyapps.io/sg-scottish-health-survey/

[75] Australian Conservation Foundation & 1 Million Women (2019). What do women think about climate change? Available from: https://d3n8a8pro7vhmx.cloudfront.net/auscon/pages/10649/attachments/original/1549598020/4pp_women_and_climate_change.pdf?1549598020

[76] Helm, S., Kemper, J. A., & White, S. K. (2021). No future, no kids–no kids, no future?. Population and Environment, 1-22. Available from: https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11111-021-00379-5

[77] De Rose, A., & Testa, M. R. (2015). Climate change and reproductive intentions in Europe. In Italy in a European Context (pp. 194-212). Palgrave Macmillan, London. Available from: https://epc2014.princeton.edu/papers/141030

[78] Walker, H. (2021). Anxiety at home: Exploring family experience of eco-anxiety in Britain. Available from: https://media.ed.ac.uk/id/1_otenn1pw

[79] SQA (2021). Statistics 2020. Available at: https://www.sqa.org.uk/sqa/94723.html

[80] SQA (2021). Higher Environmental Science. Available at: https://www.sqa.org.uk/sqa/files_ccc/higher-environmental-science-course-spec.pdf

[81] SQA (2021). Statistics 2020. Available at: https://www.sqa.org.uk/sqa/94723.html

[82] Ibid.

[83] SQA (2019). Higher Geography. Available at: https://www.sqa.org.uk/files_ccc/HigherCourseSpecGeography.pdf

[84] SQA (2019). Advanced Higher Geography. Available at: https://www.sqa.org.uk/files_ccc/AHCourseSpecGeography.pdf

[85] Ibid.

[86] SFC Infact Database. Available at: https://stats.sfc.ac.uk/infact/

[87] HESA (2019). What do HE students study? Available at: https://www.hesa.ac.uk/data-and-analysis/students/what-study

[88] Office for National Statistics. Annual Population Survey. Available at: Annual Population Survey – Nomis – Official Labour Market Statistics (nomisweb.co.uk)

[89] Office for National Statistics (2018). Labour Force Survey: Employment by occupation. Available at: https://www.ons.gov.uk/employmentandlabourmarket/peopleinwork/employmentandemployeetypes/datasets/employmentbyoccupationemp04

[90] Office for National Statistics. Annual Population Survey. Available at: Annual Population Survey – Nomis – Official Labour Market Statistics (nomisweb.co.uk)

[91] Ibid.

[92] Office for National Statistics (2020). Annual survey of hours and earnings: Gender pay gap. Available at: https://www.ons.gov.uk/employmentandlabourmarket/peopleinwork/earningsandworkinghours/datasets/annualsurveyofhoursandearningsashegenderpaygaptables

[93] To address this gap, the Scottish Government has recently commissioned research via ClimateXChange to better understand the distributional impacts of climate change in Scotland. The project is exploring how different population groups are impacted now and the potential impacts in the future, to inform public engagement and support. The research is expected to be published in Spring 2022.

[94] Sellers, S. (2016). Gender and Climate Change: A Closer Look at Existing Evidence, Global Gender and Climate Alliance. Available from: https://wedo.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/11/GGCA-RP-FINAL.pdf

[95] Berry, H. L; Waite, T. D; Dear, K. B. G; Capon, A. G; and Murray, V. (2018). The case for systems thinking about climate change and mental health, Nature Climate Change, 8: pp282-290. Available from: https://doi.org/10.1038/s41558-018-0102-4

[96] Alston, M. (2012). “Rural male suicide in Australia”, Social Science & Medicine, 74(4): pp515-522. Available from: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.socscimed.2010.04.036

[97] 6 Kennedy, J; and King, L. (2014). “The political economy of farmers’ suicides in India: indebted cash-crop farmers with marginal landholdings explain state-level variation in suicide rates”, Globalization and Health, 10, 16. Available: https://doi.org/10.1186/1744-8603-10-16

[98] Pearse, R. (2017). Gender and climate change. Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews: Climate Change8(2), e451. Available from: https://wires.onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1002/wcc.451

[99] Andrijevic, M; Crespo Cuaresma, J; Lissner, T; Thomas, A; and Schleussner , C.F. (2020). “Overcoming gender inequality for climate resilient development”, Nature Communications, 11: 6261. Available from: https://doi.org/10.1038/s41467-020-19856-w

[100] Koengkhan, M; and Fuinhas, J.A. (2021). “Is gender inequality an essential driver in explaining environmental degradation? Some empirical answers from the CO2 emissions in European Union countries”, Environmental Impact Assessment Review, 90. Available from: https://doi.org/10.1016/j.eiar.2021.106619